Military efforts to control press could make truth a casualty

By GENE POLICINSKI   Saturday, Sept. 5, 2009
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Afghanistan is about as removed as one could imagine from being at the center of a First Amendment controversy.

Nonetheless, there was a dust-up recently over the press’s ability to report freely on U.S. military operations there, and the dust has barely settled.

A few weeks ago, Stars and Stripes—a newspaper historically published about and for the military—reported that a Washington, D.C., public relations firm, the Rendon Group, was evaluating the work of journalists who had asked to accompany U.S. troops in Afghanistan. The evaluations, the newspaper said, were being done with an eye toward rating applicants for so-called “embedded” positions on a positive-negative scale—and screening out those likely to produce stories critical of the war effort.

Despite denials of any attempt to muzzle reporting, criticism of the program grew until the Pentagon decided Aug. 31 to cancel it. Officials said the process was intended only to give on-the-ground commanders background information on the journalists they would see in the field, including the kinds of questions they might ask.

But Stars and Stripes said the program went further: Along with ratings such as “neutral to negative” about reporters’ work, there was advice on how their reporting might be influenced.

To be sure, no one was talking about brainwashing or outright censorship on dispatches sent home. An earlier Stars and Stripes story quoted an Army spokesman as saying, “If a reporter has been focused on nothing but negative topics, you’re not going to send him into a unit that’s not your best. … We’re not trying to control what they report, but we are trying to put our best foot forward.”

Still, the point of a free press is to be able to report freely—without consideration of what a commander or a general or the U.S. government in general wants the press to see and report. The First Amendment exists to guarantee that a variety of views will be available to the public.

Reporting from the battlefield historically has often been censored and controlled. Author Phillip Knightley, in the original and updated versions of his book The First Casualty, wrote about war correspondents as “heroes and myth-makers.” Knightley traces the start of war reporting to the 1854 assignment of a London Times reporter to report on the Crimean War—and he documents examples of military censorship as well as occasions when the news media became, in effect, an ally of the armed forces.

Justifiably or not, there’s still a debate over the influence and tint of news reporting during the Vietnam War. Not many years ago, critics were attacking U.S. news media for being too “pro-war,” for failing to challenge Bush administration accounts of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq. Some even slammed news anchors for wearing flag lapel pins, accusing them of subtly taking political sides.

The notion of having reporters accompany troops into the field is controversial in itself: Many worry that even without any attempt by commanders to influence coverage, reports will be skewed—either by the limited “soda-straw” view that correspondents necessarily will have, or the impact on objectivity resulting from the camaraderie of reporters and soldiers sharing life-and-death experiences.

Fighting an unpopular war while maintaining public support for troops, funding and policy may well be the difficult task of today’s military—but that task cannot include shaping the news and remain in keeping with the meaning of the First Amendment.

At the same time, the task of journalists free from government control is to present facts—good, bad and in-between—as best they can. That would seem best done by letting as wide a variety of journalists as possible report what they learn from the widest possible set of experiences. These ought to include embedded assignments as well as seeing the military’s “best foot forward.” To paraphrase Knightley, for a free press and a free society, truth ought to be “The First Necessity.”

Gene Policinski is vice president and executive director of the First Amendment Center, 555 Pennsylvania Ave., Washington, D.C., 20001. Web: www.firstamendmentcenter.org. E-mail: gpolicinski@fac.org.

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RetiredAirForce
Sep 8, 2009 at 6:41 a.m.
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Sarah your equation to CEO's is faulty logic. The CEO's have little if any contact with all the employees while the professors are there to have contact, pass ideas, thoughts, and lessons.

Do all professors express political theology, no. But the blanket assumption that an institution(s) that leans predominantly one way does not have an impact on students is illogical.

RetiredAirForce
Sep 7, 2009 at 5:37 p.m.
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"Of the 1497 faculty members investigated, party registration information was
obtained for 67 percent. At Berkeley, 49 percent of faculty members were found to be
registered Democrats as compared to 5 percent registered Republicans, while at Stanford
the numbers were 46.8 percent and 6.1 percent, respectively. Despite the fact that, as
economists Ethan Cohen-Cole and Steven Durlauf pointed out in a response, the high
proportion of faculty for whom no registration information could be obtained meant that
Klein could claim no more than that “the percentage of Democrats at UC Berkeley lies
between 49.0% and 82.3%, the percentage of Republicans lies between 5.0% and 37.3%,
and the percentage of nonpartisan/declined to state lies between 10.5% and 42.8%,”
(Cohen-Cole and Durlauf 2005:4), with comparable numbers for Stanford, he
nevertheless drew the conclusion that on the basis of his study it was now “established
fact” that leading colleges and universities are “one-party campus[es]”"

http://www.wjh.harvard.edu/~ngross/louns...
-------------------------------------
You might think there was/is no bias; there certainly is a disparity in political identities and beliefs.

fdmuchow
Sep 7, 2009 at 11:21 a.m.
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Unfortunately, most of the American press were indoctinated at left liberal Universities, by professors, many of whom are self admitted Marxists. Hence the coverage of the Iraq war, where, day after day, they would lead with headlines of insurgent bombings killing American troops, but very little of how are troops were reaching out the Iraqi people in many different ways. This type of reporting only served to embarass the Bush Administration, our troops and more importantly, to embolden the insurgents to find more and more ways to kill our troops in order see more and more headlines. In my opinion, this type of reporting bordered on treason by giving support and comfort to the enemy. This must not be allowed to happen again. I believe the press/media needs to monitored to ensure "fair and balanced" reporting. War is ugly and violent, but in the midst of it, there are positive humane things going on. Both require equal reporting.

RetiredAirForce
Sep 7, 2009 at 9:51 a.m.
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Using the word media outlets and responsibility in the same sentence is pushing the limit.

cmalpsv
Sep 6, 2009 at 7:40 a.m.
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usaret-I would agree. I do believe that there is purpose for the 1st Amendment, but I do believe that media outlets must practice responsible reporting. Such reporting should not further endanger troops that are already in harm's way. I would like to see much more of the 'best foot forward' reporting. That seems to be poorly lacking. Our troops deserve no less.

usaret
Sep 5, 2009 at 4:59 p.m.
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It is great for a free press to have access but the free press must remember that at times what it reports can have adverse effects and place the troops in danger. Competent reporters know what is right to report and what isn't. The one's the military have to worry about are the ones who, in the name of the free press, tend to place the military at a tactical disadvantage when too much information is reported.

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